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The  Catholic  Church  and 

Civil  Liberty 


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A  LECTURE 


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By 


REV.  JOHN  ROTHENSTEINER 


Pastor  of  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Ghost 


St.  Louis,  Mo. 


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'‘Amerika”  Print, 


18  South  Sixth  St. 


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The  Catholic  Church  and 


Civil  Liberty 

WBVEBSnr  OF  ILlftdlS 

A  LECTURE 

Sp§  ■  JUL  3 

By 

REV.  JOHN  ROTHENSTEINER 

Pastor  of  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Ghost 

•/ 

St.  Louis,  Mo. 


1915 


"Amerika”  Print.  18  South  Sixth  St. 


\ 

\ 


“God  has  divided  the  government  of  the  human 
race  between  two  principalities,  the  ecclesiastical  and 
the  civil;  the  one  being  set  over  divine,  the  other 
over  human  things.  Each  is  supreme  in  its  own 
sphere;  each  has  fixed  limits,  within  which  it  moves. 
Each  is  circumscribed  to  its  own  orbit,  within  which 
it  lives  and  works  in  its  own  native  right.  .  .  Things 
civil  and  political  are  subject,  as  reason  and  equity 
demand,  to  the  civil  authority,  Jesus  Christ  Himself 
having  commanded  that  the  things  of  Caesar  be 
given  to  Caesar,  as  the  things  of  God  are  given  to 
God.”  Leo  XIII. 


/ 


/ 


/ 


/ 


FOREWORD. 


It  is  certainly  not  very  creditable  to  the  vaunted  intelligence 
and  fairmindedness  of  the  American  people,  that  such  a  slimy  and 
slippery  paper  as  the  Menace  can  continue  its  wriggling  course 
through  the  length  and  breadth  of  this  country  for  so  many  weary 
years;  and  that,  instead  of  dying  of  inanition,  it  strangely  thrives 
on  its  own  filth  and  proves  itself  the  fruitful  mother  of  lesser  but 
equally  'poisonous  reptiles.  Surprising  as  this  fact  must  appear  to 
all  thinking  men,  it  is  doubly  so  to  us  American  Catholics. 

We  know  that  our  ideals  are  the  very  highest;  and,  although 
our  practice  may  at  times  fall  short  of  our  ideals,  we  know  that 
our  religion,  the  Catholic  religion,  far  from  conniving  at  our  short¬ 
comings,.  constantly  urges  us  on  to  higher  and  better  things.  We 
make  no  claim  to  perfection  for  the  great  mass  of  our  Catholic  peo¬ 
ple :  but  we  do  claim  that,  man  for  man,  they  are  the  equals,  if  not 
the  superiors  of  their  fellows  in  all  things  that  concern  the  moral 
and  social  progress  of  mankind ;  and  this,  not  in  spite  of,  but  rather 
bv  virtue  of  their  Catholic  faith, 

j 

Now,  as  we  were  so  fully  convinced  of  this,  we  deemed  it 
hardly  proper  to  defend  ourselves  against  the  outrageous  attacks 
made  on  our  honor  as  men  and  citizens,  by  such  an  irresponsible 
brood  of  toads  and  toadies,  relying  for  our  justification  on  the  good 
sense  and  fairness  of  our  American  fellow-citizens. 

Have  we  been  mistaken  in  this?  Should  we  have  taken  up  the 
defense  of  our  honor  and  integrity,  as  well  as  the  noble  aims  of  our 
religious  and  social  activities  before  the  tribunal  of  public  opinion? 
Do  we  really  need  such  a  defense? 

The  best  defense  we  have  is  our  history,  and  the  principles  for 
which  the  Church  has  ever  stood. 

But  is  the  true  history  of  the  Church  known?  And  is  your 
modern  education  deep  enough  to  touch  the  principles  underlying 
our  lives  and  eflforts  and  aspirations? 

We  fear  a  great  change  has  come  over  our  country.  Yet  we 
live  and  hope,  that  we  will  not  be  “Done  to  death  by  slanderous 
tongues.”  Veritas  praevalebit. 

Accept  this  Lecture  on  “The  Catholic  Church  and  Civil  Liberty” 
as  a  slight  contribution  to  this  great  work. 


This  Author. 


auq  1 9 .6  DIRECT 


The  Catholic  Church  and  Civil  Liberty. 


“The  Catholic  Church  is  an  enemy  of  civil  and  religious  liberty. 
She  is  ever  striving  to  subject  all  nations  to  her  sway  in  temporal 
as  well  as  in  spiritual  matters.  Consequently  no  loyal  Catholic  can 
consistently  be  a  supporter  of  our  free  American  institutions.” 

Is  this  true,  or  is  it  false? 

There  are  not  a  few  of  our  fellow-citizens,  who  believe  it  true. 
We,  however,  say  it  is  absolutely  false.  False  and  unjust,  because 
the  slander  is  intended  to  rob  us  of  our  rights  guaranteed  to  us 
by  the  Constitution,  simply  because  we  are  Catholics. 

No  Catholic  can  be  a  loyal  American,  they  say;  no  Catholic  is, 
therefore,  worthy  of  a  place  of  honor  and  trust  in  this,  our  country. 
Hence  it  becomes  the  solemn  duty  of  patriotic  Americans  to  defeat 
all  Catholic  candidates  for  office. 

I  purpose  to  show  that  the  Catholic  Church  is  the  friend  and 
teacher  of  the  perfect  liberty  as  described  in  the  Gospel,  and  that, 
by  restraining  both  license  and  despotism,  she  becomes  the  support 
and  safeguard  of  civil  liberty  and  political  freedom.  In  proving  my 
proposition  I  shall  take  no  further  notice  of  the  vulgar  little  souls 
who  would  sow  the  seeds  of  distrust  and  hatred  among  a  nation  of 
freemen.  Their  condition  is  a  hopeless  one.  No  effort  of  mine 
would  make  them  see  things  as  they  are.  I  will  try,  however,  to 
solve  certain  difficulties  which  I  know  many  sincere  and  enlightened 
Protestants  entertain  on  this  important  matter. 

According  to  the  best  writers  and  the  general  opinion  of  man¬ 
kind,  civil  liberty  consists  in  this:  “That  all  citizens  have  it  in  their 
power  to  promote  their  own  individual  welfare,  in  as  far  as  it  is 
not  inconsistent  with  the  common  good  ;  that  they  enjoy  freely  and 
perfectly  the  fruits  of  their  labor  and  industry ;  that  they  be  gov¬ 
erned  by  just  laws  in  the  framing  or  acceptance  of  which  they  had 
a  voice,  and  that  they  have  access  to  a  share  of  deliberative  and 
judicial  functions.  It  is  not  necessary  that  all  citizens  actually 
participate  in  these  functions,  but  the  way  to  them  should  be  open.” 

From  this  description  „ of  civil  liberty  we  are  led  to  conclude 
that  in  striving  after  it  and  in  enjoying  it  the  golden  mean  must 
ever  be  observed  between  its  two  extremes,  the  spirit  of  license  on 
the  one  hand,  despising  all  authority,  rejecting  all  law  and  leading 
to  anarchy,  to  the  supremacy  of  might  over  right  and  to  final  dis¬ 
solution  of  society;  and  on  the  other  hand,  the  spirit  of  despotism , 
which  makes  the  arbitrary  will  of  one  man  or  of  a  privileged  caste 


(5) 


» 


6 


the  exclusive  rule  of  conduct  of  the  subjects.  Anarchy,  that  is 
lawlessness,  and  despotism  are  equally  destructive  of  civil  liberty. 
Now,  if  I  can  prove  that  the  Catholic  Church,  with  the  plenitude 
of  her  spiritual  power,  opposes  both,  then  I  may  with  justice  con¬ 
clude  that  the  Catholic  Church  is  not  an  enemy,  but  rather  the 
greatest  friend  to  civil  liberty. 

I  maintain,  (i)  The  Catholic  Church  does  and  always  did  up¬ 
hold  the  supremacy  and  sacredness  of  all  just  laws,  striking  thus 
at  the  very  root  of  rebellion,  disorder  and  anarchy.  (2)  The  Cath¬ 
olic  Church  does  and  always  did  defend  the  sacred  and  inalienable 
rights  of  all  men,  both  high  and  low,  freedom  of  conscience,  security 
of  life  and  property  and  a  strict  regard  for  justice,  resisting  and 
humbling  the  haughty  rulers  of  nations,  whenever  they  attempted 
to  set  their  own  will  above  the  laws  of  nature  and  of  nature’s  God. 

1.  The  first  condition  then,  of  civil  liberty  is  the  supremacy 
of  the  law.  No  libertv  without  law.  It  does  not  exist,  it  cannot 
exist.  Max  Muller,  a  man  deeply  versed  in  the  traditions  of  the 
nations,  says:  “If  the  word  savage  means  people  without  a  settled 
form  of  government,  without  laws  and  without  religion,  then  go 
where  you  like,  you  will  not  find  such  a  race.”  All  nations  must  be 
governed  by  laws,  otherwise  they  will  be  ruled  by  tyrants.  It  is 
plain,  therefore,  that  civil  liberty  does  not  mean  freedom  from  all 
restraint,  just  as  little  as  liberty  of  conscience  means  independence 
from  the  ten  commandments.  Civil,  as  well  as  moral  liberty,  must 
be  circumscribed  by  just  laws,  which  protect  and  guard  the  rights 
v)f  all  citizens,  by  exacting  the  performance  of  duties  which  man 
owes  to  his  fellowmen.  It  is  one  of  the  fundamental  principles  of 
Ethics  that  every  human  being  has  a  right  to  use  the  faculties  and 
powers  which  Providence  lias  granted  him  ;  but  it  does  not  follow 
that  he  may  exercise  this  right,  wherever,  whenever  and  howsoever 
he  pleases.  In  seeking  your  own  happiness  you  must  not  interfere 
with  the  rights  of  others. 

Now,  to  use  the  words  of  Hooker,  “that  which  moderates  the 
force  and  power  of  man,  that  which  appoints  the  form  and  measure 
of  working,  the  same  we  term  law.”  Liberty  is  certainly  a  grand 
prerogative  of  mankind,  but  loyalty  is  grander  still,  loyalty  to  God 
and  His  commandments,  loyalty  to  the  Church  of  Christ,  loyalty 
to  our  country  and  its  institutions. 

Ever  mindful  of  the  words  of  the  Holy  Ghost:  “Where  there 
is  no  governor  the  people  shall  fall,”  (Prov.  11,  14)  the  Church 
commands  her  children  to  respect  and  obey  the  temporal  rulers  in 
all  lawful  things.  That  Catholics  do  not  disregard  this  injunction 
cannot  be  doubted.  Lacordaire  says:  “In  proportion  as  we  see  the 
Church  strengthen  herself  in  a  state,  we  see  also  the  civil  power 
more  respected,  and  we  see  this  respect  diminish  in  proportion  as 


7  — 


the  Church  loses  her  influence.”  Catholics  are  bound  in  conscience 
to  be  loyal  to  the  state,  and  therefore,  wherever  civil  liberty  is 
established,  as  it  is  among  us,  the  children  of  the  Church  are  its 
most  zealous  supporters,  because  they  love  it  for  its  own  sake,  and 
because  they  know  that  their  religion  never  made  more  rapid  and 
lasting  progress  than  when  it  went  hand  in  hand  with  love  of  free¬ 
dom  and  the  study  of  its  principles  and  the  practice  of  its  rights. 

Moreover  the  Catholic  Church  not  only  sanctions  and  upholds 
civil  authority,  but  grounds  it  upon  a  principle,  which  alone  can  give 
it  stability  and  which,  at  the  same  time,  assigns  its  proper  limits: 
She  declares  the  state  subject  to  the  law  of  God,  she  denies  the 
omnipotence  of  civil  authority  and  thereby  saves  mankind  from  the 
hateful  tyranny  of  unjust  laws. 

The  Church  teaches  that  God  is  the  absolute  sovereign  of  all 
men.  In  His  presence  we  have  duties  and  no  rights  whatever.  And 
our  duty  is  the  full  and  unconditional  subjection  of  ourselves  to  His 
will.  In  our  relations  to  the  Almighty  there  is  no  liberty.  “Liberty 
is  between  man  and  man,  between  man  and  society,  between  society 
and  society.” 

No  man,  in  his  own  right,  has  any,  even  the  least  authority 
over  man.  No  body  of  men,  no  community  as  such,  has  any  right¬ 
ful  authority  either  in  spiritual  or  temporal  matters.  God  alone  is 
our  sovereign,  our  absolute  master  and  lawgiver.  Pastor,  prince  or 
president  have  a  right  to  command  and  to  exact  obedience  only  in 
as  far  as  they  are  the  vicars  of  the  Almighty  and  exercise  their 
power  in  accordance  with  His  holy  will.  All  authority,  therefore, 
divested  of  divine  sanction  is  despotic,  because  it  is  authority  with¬ 
out  right,  will  unregulated  by  reason,  power  disjoined  from  justice. 

This  is  the  doctrine  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  the  19th  century, 
as  it  was  the  doctrine  of  the  Blessed  Apostle  Paul  in  the  tst.  “Let 
every  80111.’'  says  the  Apostle  of  the  Gentiles,  “be  subject  to  higher 
powers.  For  there  is  no  power  but  from  God  ;  and  those  that  are, 
are  ordained  of  God.  Therefore  he  that  resisteth  power,  resisteth 
the  ordinance  of  God.  Wherefore  be  subject  of  necessity,  not  only 
for  wrath,  but  for  conscience  sake.”  Rom.  13. 

In  these  words  of  St.  Paul  the  obligation  of  obedience  is  found¬ 
ed  on  the  fact  that  the  civil  power  is  the  ordinance  of  God  and  that 
consequently  the  state  is  subject  to  divine  sovereignty.  'The  state, 
therefore,  has  no  authority  to  make  laws  contrary  to  the  natural 
rights  and  duties  of  man,  for  by  so  doing  it  would  renounce  its  al¬ 
legiance  to  God  and  thereby  become  a  despotism  of  the  very  worst 
kind.  The  state  can  make  no  law  contrary  to  the  positive  divine 
law,  as  recorded  in  the  New  Testament.  The  state. can  never  go 
beyond  the  limits  assigned  to  it  by  the  Lord  of  nations. 

And  what  are  these  limits? 


8  — 


All  men  admit  that  civil  government  is  a  secular  concern.  Its 
intrinsic  scope  and  aim  is  a  certain  temporal  good.  Suarez,  one  of 
the  most  profound  and  learned  writers  on  law,  sets  forth  that  good 
to  he  “the  natural  happiness  of  the  perfect  human  community,  of 
which  the  civil  legislator  has  the  care,  and  the  happiness  of  indi¬ 
viduals  as  they  are  members  of  such  a  community,  that  they  may 
live  therein  peaceably  and  justly,  and  with  a  sufficiency  of  goods  for 
the  preservation  and  comfort  of  their  bodily  life,  and  with  so  much 
moral  rectitude  as  is  necessary  for  this  external  peace  and  happiness 
of  the  commonwealth  and  the  continued  preservation  of  human 
nature.”  (De  Legibus  III,  2.) 

The  scope  and  aim  of  civil  government  is  not  any  good  of  the 
world  to  come,  but  of  this  world.  It  is  the  good  of  citizens  as  such, 
namely,  security,  wealth,  liberty,  commerce,  the  arts  of  life,  arms, 
glory,  empire,  and  the  like,  all  of  which  do  not  reach  beyond  this 
world. 

But  man  has  a  higher,  nobler  destiny.  He  is  made  for  an  ever¬ 
lasting  life  in  the  bosom  of  God,  and  he  is  endowed  with  faculties 
and  powers,  that  enable  him  to  attain  this  glorious  end. 

The  Catholic  Church  has  received  the  divine  commission  to 
prepare  man  for  the  life  beyond  the  grave.  Her  Divine  Founder, 
Christ  Jesus,  has  entrusted  to  her  the  plenitude  of  spiritual  power 
on  earth,  the  authority  to  preach  the  truth  to  all  nations,  to  diffuse 
grace  and  to  lead  men  to  the  practice  of  virtue.  Truth,  grace  and 
virtue,  three  spiritual  things,  form  the  object  of  the  Church’s  power, 
and  we  believe  her  teachings,  because  she  is  infallible,  guided  by  the 
Holy  Spirit ;  we  receive  her  sacraments,  because  she  is  holy,  we  obey 
her  precepts  cheerfully,  because  in  obeying  her  we  submit  ourselves, 
not  to  a  human  authority,  but  to  God  Himself. 

As  long  as  the  state  remains  in  its  proper  sphere,  and  respects 
freedom  of  conscience  and  the  other  inalienable  rights  of  man,  the 
Church  will  not  meddle  with  civil  affairs.  Church  and  state  will  live 
in  perfect  peace  and  harmony.  But,  whenever  the  law-givers,  he 
they  kings,  or  emperors,  or  the  representatives  of  a  free  people, 
violate  the  God-given  liberties  and  rights  of  man,  by  framing  or 
enforcing  laws  opposed  to  the  eternal  laws  of  God,  then  it  becomes 
the  duty  of  every  Catholic,  be  he  priest  or  bishop  or  simple  layman, 
to  assert  the  dignity  of  his  manhood  by  demanding  the  repeal  of 
such  unjust  laws.  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  guarantees 
to  all.  men  liberty  of  conscience,  freedom  of  speech  and  the  pursuit 
of  happiness.  The  Catholic  Church  is  not  hampered  in  her  grand 
mission  of  teaching  us  how  to  lead  a  wise,  virtuous  and  holy  life. 
That  is  all  she  desires.  Hence  there  cannot  be  any  rivalry  or  enmity 
between  the  Catholic  Church  and  America. 


—  9  — 


I  am  well  aware  that  a  lurking  doubt  as  to  the  loyalty  of  Cath¬ 
olic  Americans,  still  possesses  the  minds  of  many  otherwise  en¬ 
lightened  Protestants,  because  they  were  led  to  suppose  that  Cath¬ 
olics  owe  allegiance  in  temporal  as  well  as  in  spiritual  matters  to  a 
foreign  ruler,  the  Pope  of  Rome. 

For  the  sake  of  such,  I  will  state  as  clearly  and  emphatically 
as  possiple : 

i st.  That  the  Pope  has  no  right  or  authority  to  assume  the 
government  of  the  United  States. 

2nd.  That  no  Pope  ever  laid  claim  to  such  a  right. 

3rd.  That  no  American  whatever,  no  Catholic  bishop,  no  Cath¬ 
olic  priest,  no  Catholic  layman  ever  vindicated  such  a  right  for  the 
Pope.  In  all  civil  matters  our  highest  authority  is  the  government 
of  the  United  States,  in  the  administration  of  which  we  claim  an 
equal  share  with  the  rest  of  our  fellow  citizens.  But  in  all  spiritual 
concerns,  in  all  matters  of  religion  and  morality,  we  recognize  no 
higher  authority  on  earth  than  the  Pope  of  Rome,  the  Vicar  of 
Jesus  Christ,  and  the  bishops  and  priests  commissioned  by  Him. 

I  am  fully  convinced  that  the  vast  majority  of  the  American 
people  does  not  entertain  any  suspicions  concerning  the  loyalty  and 
patriotism  of  the  Catholics  of  the  country,  but  it  cannot  be  denied 
that  the  wonderful  progress  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  this  country 
is  causing  serious  alarm  in  the  hearts  of  some  Americans,  either 
because  thev  do  not  know  us  and  our  real  sentiments,  or  because 
they  are  envious  of  our  prosperity  and  power.  To  such  we  would 
say  as  St.  Ambrose  said  to  the  gentiles  of  his  day:  “Nec  terremus, 
nec  timemus.”  You  need  not  fear  11s,  neither  do  we  fear  you. 

If  you  are  sincere  in  your  oftrepeated  declarations  of  religious 
toleration,  then  investigate  before  you  condemn;  investigate  our 
sentiments  and  convictions  and  aspirations,  as  expressed  in  our 
public  documents,  in  our  daily  life  and  in  our  history:  and  you  will 
find  that  you  need  not  fear  us  in  as  far  as  the  liberties  of  cur  com¬ 
mon  country  are  concerned.  But,  if  you  are  one  of  those  vulgar, 
narrow-minded,  bigoted  souls,  who  feel  it  incumbent  upon  them¬ 
selves  to  sneer  at  every  thing  Catholic,  and  whose  honeyed  words 
of  tolerance  and  brotherly  love  are  but  a  sanctimonious  mask  to 
hide  their  dark  designs,  then  we  say:  Do  your  sweet  will,  we  fear 
you  not.  “Nec  terremus.  nec  timemus." 

Be  that  as  it  may,  I  seem  to  hear  you  say :  We  do  not  fear  any 
attempt  you  might  make  to  overthrow  our  form  of  government  or 
to  subvert  our  laws.  Far  from  it.  But  we  do  suspect  you  of  a  desire, 
more  or  less  pronounced,  to  get  control  of  our  national  destinies. 
And  if  this  were  accomplished  we  would  have  to  put  the  inscription 
over  the  presidential  chair:  “Finis  Uibertatis.” 


—  10  — 


Now,  we  would  suggest  that  it  is  our  privilege  as  Americans, 
to  seek  any  office  within  the  gift  of  the  people,  the  presidency  in¬ 
cluded.  In  the  administration  of  a  free  country,  there  is  no  distinc¬ 
tion  between  Jew  and  Gentile.  Protestant  or  Catholic.  A  religious 
test  in  this  matter  is  an  odious  tyranny. 

But  whether  Catholics  shall  ever  hold  the  supreme  nolitical 

M.  A 

power  or  not,  you  will  have  nothing  to  fear  from  us.  Our  religion 
itself  would  forbid  us  to  seek  despotic  power,  even  if  our  good  sense 
should  fail  us. 


2.  For  the  Catholic  Church  does  now,  as  it  always  did,  defend 
the  sacred  and  inalienable  rights  of  man  against  all  arbitrary  power, 
and  endeavors  to  secure  the  fullest  possible  measure  of  civil  liberty. 

Let  us  cast  a  glance  at  the  history  of  the  Catholic  Church  in 
this  regard. 


“The  Christian  religion,”  says  St.  Priest  in  his  History  of 
Royalty,  “the  Christian  religion,  which  has  existed  for  nearly  two 
thousand  years,  is  not  inseparably  attached  to  any  political  form. 
Under  the  shadow  of  absolute  thrones,  or  of  limited  monarchies, 
on  the  borders  of  the  republican  lake  of  William  Tell — in  America 
which  is  still  more  republican,  it  flourishes  as  an  imperishable  plant, 
nourished  by  the  juices  of  earth  and  refreshed  by  the  waters  of 
heaven/’ 


When  the  Catholic  Church  was  established,  Rome  was  a  despot¬ 
ism.  The  will  of  her  Caesars  was  the  supreme  law  of  the  empire, 
and  half  the  world  lay  at  their  feet  in  abject  slavery.  For  three 
centuries  the  Roman  empire  waged  a  cruel  and  relentless  war  against 
the  Church  ;  but  the  Church  continued  to  teach  her  children  as  Christ 
had  taught:  “Render  to  Caesar  the  things  that  are  Caesars,  and  to 
God  the  things  that  are  God’s.*’ 

When  Constantine  the  Great,  by  divine  interposition,  had  gained 
the  decisive  victory  over  the  persecuting  tyrant  Maxentius,  and  had 
in  consequence  become  a  Christian,  the  attitude  of  the  Roman  empire 
towards  the  Church  became  more  friendly,  but  the  Roman  polity 
remained  despotic.  Now  people  may  ask,  why  did  not  the  Catholic 
Church  use  her  influence  to  restore  to-the  Roman  world  its  ancient 
freedom?  And  I  answer:  For  two  very  sufficient  reasons:  i.  Because 
the  existing  form  of  government  could  not  be  changed  on  a  sudden 
without  the  greatest  danger  of  universal  anarchy  and  ruin,  and  2. 
because  it  is  not  the  office  of  the  Church  to  overthrow  governments, 
however  defective  they  may  be. 

Iflie  Church  is  not  the  friend  of  arbitrary  power,  but  she  knows, 
what  even  modern  eulogists  of  liberty  have  admitted,  that  a  mild 
despotism  may  be  better  adapted  to  certain  nations  and  ages,  than 
more  liberal  forms  of  government. 


—  11  — 


John  Stuart  Mill  says:  “Despotism  is  a  legitimate  mode  of 
government  in  dealing  with  barbarians,  provided  the  end  be  their 
improvement.”  Now  it  is  certain  that,  at  the  time  of  Constantine, 
the  greater  part  of  the  Roman  Empire  was  sunk  in  barbarism,  and 
that  the  warlike  tribes  of  the  North,  who  soon  after  flooded  the 
provinces,  would  never  have  submitted  to  the  liberal  and  peaceful 
institutions  of  America.  They  had  to  be  kept  in  check  bv  the  strong- 
will  of  absolute  monarchs. 

The  wise  men  who  ruled  the  Church  in  these  stormy  and  peril¬ 
ous  times  knew,  what  history  teaches  on  every  page,  that  every 
nation  has  the  very  government  it  deserves  to  have,  and  they  were 
confident  that  no  people  could  be  permanently  enslaved,  unless  it 
were  utterly  unworthy  of  freedom. 

Instead,  therefore,  of  introducing  new  polities,  the  Church 
sought  to  elevate  the  religious  and  moral  condition  of  the  Greeks 
and  Romans  and  Barbarians.  Fully  convinced  that  civil  liberty  is 
based  upon  enlightened  views  of  the  rights  and  duties  of  man,  the 
Church  established  innumerable  seats  of  learning  and  sent  her  mis¬ 
sionaries  to  the  populous  cities,  to  the  tangled  forests,  and  pathless 
wildernesses,  to  teach  all  nations  the  social,  as  well  as  the  theological 
virtues;  the  fear  of  inflicting,  the  shame  of  committing  a  wrong, 
respect  for  all  who  are  in  authority  and  consideration  for  all  who 
are  in  dependence,  veneration  for  the  good,  mercy  to  the  evil,  and 
sympathy  with  the  weak,  temperance  in  all  pleasures  and  persever¬ 
ance  in  all  toils.  And  in  proportion,  as  the  nations  advanced  in 
knowledge  and  virtue  and  wisdom,  they  began  to  exercise  an  ever- 
increasing  influence  on  the  administration  of  public  afifairs. 

Yes,  the  Catholic  Church  is  the  true  friend  and  promoter  of 
civil  liberty.  But  it  is  not  her  mission  to  subvert  the  existing  political 
powers,  and  to  establish  republics  on  the  ruins  of  empires  and  king¬ 
doms.  No,  the  divine  mission  of  the  Church  is  to  teach  the  truth, 
to  guide  men  on  their  way  to  heaven  and  to  prepare  them  for  the 
glorious  life  to  come.  Yet,  in  making  men  wise  and  good  and  noble, 
she  has  a  natural  tendency  to  fit  mankind  for  free  government  and 
to  render  the  nations  worthy  of  the  blessings  of  civil  liberty.  And 
a  nation  that  is  worthy  of  this  high  prerogative,  cannot  long  be 
denied  its  actual  enjoyment. 

Thus,  the  Catholic  Church,  in  seeking  to  promote  the  spiritual 
and  eternal  welfare  of  mankind,  lays  the  broad  and  sure  foundation 
for  political  freedom.  And  this  beneficent  result  is  brought  about, 
not  by  destructive  revolutions,  but  by  the  slow  and  peaceful  process 
of  education,  according  to  the  words  of  Sacred  Scripture:  “The 
truth  shall  make  you  free.” 

It  is.  therefore,  nothing  more  than  a  just  tribute  to  real  worth, 
when  a  noted  writer  says :  “The  papal  power  was  for  ages  the  great 


12  — 


bulwark  of  order ;  amid  the  turbulence  of  the  semi-civilized  people 
of  Europe  the  papacy  fought  the  battle  of  freedom  and  civilization.” 
Many  a  proud  autocrat,  relying  on  the  power  of  his  armies,  thought 
he  might  safely  disregard  the  dictates  of  truth,  mercy  and  justice, 
and  trample  on  the  rights  of  men ;  but  he  was  met  in  his  headlong 
career  by  the  representatives  of  spiritual  authority,  who  dared  to 
tell  him  to  his  face  that  the  powers  of  kings  and  princes  came  from 
God  and  were  given,  not  for  the  gratification  of  private  lusts  and 
resentments,  not  for  oppression  and  ruin,  but  for  the  advancement 
of  the  people's  security  and  prosperity. 

The  resistance  offered  by  St.  Ambrose,  archbishop  of  Milan, 
to  the  emperor  Theodosius,  is  a  good  illustration  of  this.  Fresh 
from  the  massacre  of  Thessalonica  the  emperor  came  to  Milan  and 
wished  to  enter  the  Cathedral.  But  St.  Ambrose  stood  at  the  portal 
forbidding  his  entrance:  -‘Your  hands  are  dripping  with  the  blood 
of  your  subjects.  As  you  followed  David  in  his  sins,  follow  him 
likewise  in  his  repentance." 

Generally,  as  in  this  instance,  the  rulers  heeded  the  voice  of 
Christ's  representative,  but  sometimes  their  hearts  were  hardened 
to  every  appeal.  They  would  admit  no  rights  but  what  they  styled 
the  divine  right  of  kings,  and  recognize  no  duties  but  the  duty  of 
absolute  submission  in  the  subject. 

Cnconcerned  about  divine  or  human  laws,  these  royal  ruffians 
and  tyrants  were  carrying  the  state  with  them  to  the  brink  of  ruin. 

In  such  extreme  cases  the  only  remedy  to  which  the  people 
could  resort  was  to  declare  the  crown  forfeited  by  the  criminal  con¬ 
duct  of  the  ruler. 

And  whenever  the  oppressed  and  down-trodden  subjects  of 
such  a  tvrant  brought  their  grievances  to  the  common  Father  of 
Christendom,  and  proved  beyond  a  doubt  that  there  was  no  other 
alternative  save  the  ruin  of  the  commonwealth,  or  the  deposition  of 
the  sovereign,  then  it  became  the  duty  of  the  Pope  to  declare  that 
the  people  were  not  made  for  the  sake  of  the  ruler,  but  that  the 
ruler  was  appointed  for  the  good  of  his  people,  and  that  the  prince 
who  disgraced  his  high  office  by  crimes  against  the  God-given  liber¬ 
ties  and  rights  of  his  subjects,  had  by  these  very  crimes  abdicated 
his  crown  and  forfeited  the  allegiance  of  his  people. 

This  so-called  right  of  deposing  kings  has  never  been  claimed 
by  the  Popes  as  an  essential  part  of  their  divine  commission.  But 
in  the  Middle  Ages,  when  all  Europe  was  Catholic,  the  papacy  was, 
by  international  law,  constituted  the  supreme  tribunal,  by  which 
certain  grave  political  questions  were  to  be  decided.  One  of  these 
questions  was  the  deposition  of  rulers  on  account  of  great  crimes. 

We  cannot  deny  that  the  nations  of  Europe  had  the  right  of 
deposing  their  rulers  in  certain  cases,  and  that  they  could  vest  this 


1 3 


unquestioned  right  in  the  Pope  as  the  highest  court  of  arbitration, 
established  by  the  free  will  and  consent  of  Christendom. 

The  deposition  of  certain  kings  was,  therefore,  not  an  arbitrary 
and  unwarranted  proceeding,  but  an  exercise  of  supreme  judicial 
power,  delegated  to  the  papacy  by  the  Christian  nations,  and  it  was 
invariably  exercised  in  favor  of  the  weak  and  down-trodden  against 
the  arrogance  and  tyranny  of  autocratic  rulers. 

Thus,  the  very  facts  of  Catholic  history,  which  are  commonly 
considered  worthy  of  censure  appear,  on  closer  inspection,  heroic 
deeds  and  noble  achievements  in  the  cause  of  true  progress  and 
freedom. 

Never  led  astray  by  false  ideals,  never  hasty  in  her  measures 
and  always  having  in  view  her  high  mission  of  saving  the  souls  of 
men,  the  Catholic  Church  has  passed  through  the  ages,  scattering 
blessings  everywhere.  She  is  the  mother  of  our  civilization,  she 
has  fostered  the  arts  and  sciences,  she  has  proved  herself  the  friend 
of  all  that  is  noble  in  human  nature. 

And  we  are  the  children  of  this  grand  Church,  we  are  also 
citizens  of  the  greatest,  most  prosperous  and  powerful  republic  on 
earth. 

The  Catholic  Church  imbues  us  with  an  enduring  love  of  our 
country.  She  never  tires  of  teaching  us  that  patriotism  is  one  of 
the  highest  and  holiest  sentiments  of  which  the  heart  is  capable ; 
that  love  of  country  is  a  virtue,  including  all  other  civic  virtues. 
She  seeks  to  fill  our  hearts  with  the  love  of  truth,  justice  and 
temperance  and  of  all  the  other  virtues,  which  are  necessary  for 
the  security  and  prosperity  of  the  commonwealth. 

We  are  divided  in  religion  from  millions  of  our  fellow-citizens; 
but  we  still  regard  them  as  our  friends  and  brothers. 

There  is  a  strong,  though  invisible,  bond  that  unites  us  with 
them,  our  American  nationality. 

There  is  one  sentiment  which  ever  finds  a  responsive  chord  in 
the  hearts  of  all — our  country,  may  God  bless  it  and  preserve  it  in 
justice  and  truth  and  enable  it  to  attain  its  glorious  destiny. 

And  there  is  one  symbol  before  which  we  all  bow  in  reverence 
and  to  which  we  all  look  up  with  honest  pride  and  exultation —  the 
flag  of  our  country,  the  symbol  of  America’s  grandeur  and  power. 


—  15  -- 


WAR. 


A  SONG  OF  PROTEST. 


No,  never  repeat  it 
The  oft  repeated 
Most  silly  saying1, 

That  war  is  hell ; 

Leave  senseless  drivel 
To  dawdling  dandies 
And  babeless  mothers. 

And  all  the  hired  henchmen  of 

wealth. 

No,  war  is  not  hell, 

However  destructive 
Its  flaming  course, 

And  full  of  terror  and  spotted 

with  crime. 

War  is  the  high  tide 
Of  human  life. 

With  all  its  virtues 
And  all  its  vices. 

Greatly  multiplied, 

Vastly  intensified, 

The  very  climax  of  human 

endeavor. 

Behold  the  virtues 
Heroic,  elemental. 

War’s  fiery  breath 
Wakes  and  enkindles 
In  the  hearts  of  men  : 

The  love  of  country. 

Its  greatness  and  honor, 

A  love  as  strong  as,  yea 

stronger  than  death ! 


The  greatness  of  soul 
In  gentle  womanhood 
Giving  so  nobly 
In  sad  sweet  parting 
The  pride  of  her  heart 
The  stay  of  her  life. 

The  dauntless  courage 
’Mid  flashing  hail 
And  deadly  fumes 
And  sickening  sights : 

The  cheering  hope 
Through  toilsome  days, 

And  weary  nights 
Of  victory  won  and  golden 

peace. 

The  love  and  loyalty 
Of  comrade  to  comrade, 

The  tender  pity 
For  the  fallen  foe : 

Are  these,  are  these. 

The  children  of  hell. 

Ye  wearisome  babblers? 

Are  these,  and  the  strenght 
Of  countless  sufferers 
Bearing  with  patience 
And  oft  with  grim  humor. 

The  things  that  would  sadden 
The  stoutest  heart. 

Are  these  the  flowering 
And  fruitage  of  hell  ? 


Ah,  no,  not  of  hell 
These  flowers  of  manhood 
Life  s  sovereign  virtues, 

Though  racy  of  earth 
Yet  fragrant  of  heaven. 

For,  is  it  not  true, 

That  man  is  never 
Nearer  to  God 
And  eternity's  threshold 
Than  in  the  onset  and  shock 

of  battle? 

And  have  you  forgotten 
Or  never  known 
That  once  in  heaven 
There  raged  a  fierce  conflict 
Between  the  powers 
Of  darkness  and  light ; 

But  never  in  hell, 

Where  slaves  hold  slaves 
In  mutual  bondage 
Of  hopeless  night? 


No,  never  repeat  it 
That  war  is  hell. 

Sin  alone, 

Deadly*  sin, 

Is  hell  on  earth 

And  the  gate  of  the  city  of 

endless  hate. 

War  is  the  scourge 
In  the  hand  of  God 
To  humble  the  proud, 

And  cleanse  the  lowly, 

And  raise  once  again 
The  nations  of  earth 
To  a  newness  of  life. 

War  is  the  breath  of  the  anger 

of  God 

Yet  full  of  the  balm 
Of  infinite  mercy. 

War  is  not  hell 
But  a  sovereign  grace : 

And  peace,  true  peace 
Is  its  purpose  and  end. 


